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Imperialism of Crisis: Part II

Robert Kurz, editor and co - publisher of the theoretical magazine "Krisis", has just published (Mars 2003) in Germany "War of the world order, the end of the sovereignty and transformations of imperialism at the time of the globalisation". Now he is in EXIT: http://www.exit-online.org
Introduction
The capitalism is not a Buddhist ceremony, an anhistoric look cannot apprehend it. The always identical logic of the principle of valorisation doesn't provoke its eternal return, but an irreversible historic process to the qualitatively changing conditions. Such a world constellation only must be explained in all time regarding the basis development of the world capital. Every time that a phase of valorisation is exhausted, the political institutions, afferent concepts and ideologies become also obsolete. This is verified especially for the stage of maturity reached at the end of the XXth century by the world system.
Since 80’s the third industrial revolution, the one of the micro computing, has begun to impose a historic limit to the valorisation of the human power work. The capital becomes then "unfit to exploit", meaning that a extended growth in a real economic concepts (expansion of the valorisation) to the height of production standards and irreversible profitability that it has itself reached, proves to be impossible. In metropolises, this "structural overaccumulation" of the world capital, caused by the use of the micro computing, leads to a structural mass unemployment, a global productive overcapacity and to the flight of the monetary capital in the financial superstructure (conjuncture of the financial bubbles). In peripheries the lack of capital prevents the microcomputing equipment; and so the national economies and whole regions of the planet collapse so quickly that they fall below of the standard of the capital logic and their social reproduction is declared "null" by the world market.
Then it happens a competition in the reduction of costs and in the closings of enterprises. Globalisation is nothing but a transnational rationalization and, in this sense it effectively represents a qualitatively new phenomenon. To take advantage of the difference of costs in the global ambit, the traditional export of capitals under the shape of expansion investments abroad, according to the Lego construction system, it is substituted by the outsourcing of certain economic functions of the owner’s economy. So on the one hand the transnational circuits of valorisation emerge while on the other hand elsewhere growing parts of the social reproduction dry up and die. This process is misled and is nourished by the capital, also globalised, of the financial bubble.
Conclusion
It doesn't exist any more immanent alternative. But as the left doesn't know anything else that to extol immanent alternatives of the ontology and capitalist development of history, it takes cover mainly into the past and leads an absurd quarrel on the question to know whether we are in 1914 or in 1941. Both fractions remained stuck mentally at the time of the capital formed by the national economies by expansive national imperial potencies; both are illiterate about the theory of the crisis and more extensively about all criticism of the political economy; both cling to the immanent capitalistic rationality of the illuminist bourgeois subject.
The 1914 nostalgic ones, partisans of Lenin's mummy, invoke the ghost of an "anti-imperialistic" union " between the war objectors in metropolises and "sovereignist ones" and "people" of the Third World that need to defend their bourgeois independence against the US, German or European imperialism. Contrariwise the 1941 nostalgic ones rave with the idea of an "anti-Hitler" coalition under the aegis of the "good" western power against the " Islamic fascism " and of its German associates for the defence of Israel and the "civilization".
Meanwhile Saddam's regime is not worth as a Nazi empire threatening the world, nor as a strength full of hope of the national development and Ben Laden is neither Hitler, nor Che Guevara. The Palestinian state collapses before its foundation because state sovereignty doesn't represent absolutely any more any option of emancipation; on the contrary, the Intifada and barbarian suicide attempts cannot be placed on the same level that the industrial destruction of Jews in Auschwitz. The false friends of the Third World integrate Israel to the imperialism being unaware of its essential quality, result of the global anti-Semitism; the false friends of Israel glorify reactionary and ultra religious strengths, responsible of the murder of Rabin and fall themselves into hateful, primitive and racist agitation. The first ones deny Israel like a place of shelter, the others are unaware of the fact that its existence is threatened more by its own barbarism of crisis that by the outside military threats.
Zombies of 1914 accept the nationalist and anti-Semitic, culturalist and anti-American barbarisation of the "class struggle" and of "anti-imperialism". Zombies of 1941 abandon all criticism of the imperial war of the world order, imperturbable and serene denounce the Israeli harassed opposition and the left opposition in USA, and transform the necessary criticism of the anti-Semitism and the antisionism into the legitimation of the democratic terror of bombs. What is needful is a radical opposition to the war that would face the real situation of the world and would develop a categorical criticism of the capitalistic modernity beyond these apparent alternatives, that represent nothing else but the different shapes of the same barbarism of cosmopolitan crisis.
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The direction of our beloved country driven by the current crops of politicians to uncertainty.

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