Skip to main content

US and Asia Pacific: The New Strategic System – Bilateral, Multilateral or both?

Bilateralism
Whether or not the Asia-Pacific becomes a zone of cooperation depends on the new strategic system that eventually replaces the current arrangement. Some commentators predicted that as a consequence of the end of the Cold War, multilateral arrangements would, before long, replace traditional bilateral approaches to security.

The US, it was thought, would lose interest in providing security for its traditional allies, and Asian states would conclude that bilateral alliances no longer met their interests for they failed to allow for pragmatic approaches for dealing with new security concerns.37 This has not been the case.

Instead, the Clinton administration has moved to strengthen its key bilateral security arrangements, while acknowledging that multilateral security dialogue also plays an important role. The efficacy of a multilateral approach to security issues is dependent on solid bilateral foundations.

Even if the regional security order in the twenty-first century becomes less reliant on bilateral military alliances than it has been in the past fifty-three years, the US-Japan security partnership will continue to provide the fundamental basis for strategic stability in the Asia-Pacific.

With the end of the Cold War, the original rationale for the security arrangement between Washington and Tokyo disappeared. But, as is well-known, new risks and uncertainties have emerged to replace the Soviet threat, providing both the US and Japan with plenty of good strategic reasons for maintaining the alliance. Given the potential for instability in East Asia, the US and Japan have no choice but to strengthen both military cooperation and policy consultations. Close security ties between the US and Japan are crucial to regional stability, especially as a deterrent to aggressive moves by North Korea or China.

Policymakers and analysts must continue to examine the ways in which the US-Japan alliance can be revitalized and redefined, strategically and economically, so that the region can continue to gain maximum benefit. No nation, not even the world’s only superpower can go it alone.

Multilateralism
The Asia-Pacific has in place some useful tools for coordinating policies and airing regional concerns. Regional security apparatus, such as the ARF, play an important role in heightening confidence and enhancing transparency. The ARF, for example, allows Asia-Pacific countries, including Japan and China, to discuss wide-ranging security issues within a structured multilateral institution. But the ARF does have major limitations. Most significantly, it lacks a direct mechanism for dealing with conflict prevention, arms control and other key regional concerns. In the eyes of its detractors, “the ARF is that most uplifting of optical illusions – an optimistic illusion.”The ARF’s inertia over the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996 provided its critics with further proof of its limitations.

Second track or nonofficial groups, such as the Council on Security and Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (CSCAP), also serve an important purpose. Among other things, they provide an opportunity for analysts, academics and others to put forward their views and countries’ perceptions, and explore common approaches to traditional and nontraditional security concerns. But in terms of dealing with key regional issues, this track two process has had even less success than official mechanisms like the ARF. While there is a good deal happening at the track one and track two levels, and the regional environment may over the long-term be shaped by multilateral networks, Paul Dibb, Gerald Segal, Ralph Cossa and others have warned that anything resembling an Asia-Pacific regional society to manage tensions is a long way off. It is for all these reasons that multilateralism must not be seen as a substitute for existing bilateral mechanisms that have served the region well, especially the US-Japan security partnership. Rather, it can serve as a useful ancillary mechanism.

Source: Dibb, “The Emerging Strategic Architecture in the Asia-Pacific Region, Segal.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Two Tales, Two Leaders - PART 1

Man has dual nature; he is both his own person and a member of his country. On the one hand, the law must protect the individual from the injustices of the multitude.  History has shown how individuals fall prey to mass perversity, their crime being simply a refusal to conform to the beliefs and prejudices of the majority. Anwar Ibrahim, The Asian Renaissance, 1997., Page 63. The value system and ethical code therefore determine the success or failure of corrective measures. If the value system is wrong, corrective measures will not be productive or will be only slightly productive. When the value system motivates, very little corrective measures are needed. Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad, The Malay Dilemma, 1970., Pages 172-173. Introduction Malaysia is our motherland. We love our country. This country has so much of wealth. Even though, Malaysia has agonized considerably in past three decades because of the malpractices of the corrupted characters but she is never fail t...

Brexit: A lesson for Malaysians

Yesterday, Britons through a referendum made a decision to leave European Union. The ruling Conservative Party divided on this referendum and David Cameron in favour of ‘Remain’ was defeated outright. Even though he is disagreed with the decision of Britons, he announced that he is resigning from his premiership in respect of people’s decision. We can expect in a mature democracy country like United Kingdom this is vastly anticipated to be transpired.   A few days ago, the current Chief Commissioner of Malaysian Anti-Corruption of Commission made a statement that he is stepping down from his position and there are some rumours indicating that a few prominent officers from the said Commission will either resign or retire. It’s very eccentric news for Malaysians as it will have a profound impact on bribery and corruption issues in Malaysia as a whole. Recently, the results of two by elections were won by Barisan Nasional, the ruling party of Malaysia. Many promises had been...

Constitution of Malaysia: An Introduction Part 5

7 (1) No person shall be punished for an act or omission which was not punishable by law when it was done or made, and no person shall suffer greater punishment for an offence than was prescribed by law at the time it was committed. (2) A person who has been acquitted or convicted of an offence shall not be tried again for the same offence except where the conviction or acquittal has been quashed and a retrial ordered by a court superior to that by which he was acquitted or convicted.