By By RICHARD A. CLARKE
FOR the last two months, senior government officials and private-sector
experts have paraded before Congress and described in alarming terms a
silent threat: cyberattacks carried out by foreign governments. Robert
S. Mueller III, the director of the F.B.I., said cyberattacks would soon
replace terrorism as the agency’s No. 1 concern as foreign hackers,
particularly from China, penetrate American firms’ computers and steal
huge amounts of valuable data and intellectual property.
It’s not hard to imagine what happens when an American company pays for
research and a Chinese firm gets the results free; it destroys our
competitive edge. Shawn Henry, who retired last Friday as the executive
assistant director of the F.B.I. (and its lead agent on cybercrime),
told Congress last week of an American company that had all of its data
from a 10-year, $1 billion research program copied by hackers in one
night. Gen. Keith B. Alexander, head of the military’s Cyber Command,
called the continuing, rampant cybertheft “the greatest transfer of
wealth in history.”
Yet the same Congress that has heard all of this disturbing testimony is mired in disagreements about a proposed cybersecurity bill
that does little to address the problem of Chinese cyberespionage. The
bill, which would establish noncompulsory industry cybersecurity
standards, is bogged down in ideological disputes. Senator John McCain,
who dismissed it as a form of unnecessary regulation, has proposed an alternative bill
that fails to address the inadequate cyberdefenses of companies running
the nation’s critical infrastructure. Since Congress appears unable and
unwilling to address the threat, the executive branch must do something
to stop it.
In the past, F.B.I. agents parked outside banks they thought were likely
to be robbed and then grabbed the robbers and the loot as they left.
Catching the robbers in cyberspace is not as easy, but snatching the
loot is possible.
General Alexander testified last week that his organization saw an
inbound attack that aimed to steal sensitive files from an American arms
manufacturer. The Pentagon warned the company, which had to act on its
own. The government did not directly intervene to stop the attack
because no federal agency believes it currently has the authority or
mission to do so.
If given the proper authorization, the United States government could
stop files in the process of being stolen from getting to the Chinese
hackers. If government agencies were authorized to create a major
program to grab stolen data leaving the country, they could drastically
reduce today’s wholesale theft of American corporate secrets.
Many companies do not even know when they have been hacked. According to Congressional testimony last week, 94 percent of companies
served by the computer-security firm Mandiant were unaware that they
had been victimized. And although the Securities and Exchange Commission
has urged companies to reveal when they have been victims of
cyberespionage, most do not. Some, including Sony, Citibank, Lockheed,
Booz Allen, Google, EMC and the Nasdaq have admitted to being victims.
The government-owned National Laboratories and federally funded research
centers have also been penetrated.
Because it is fearful that government monitoring would be seen as a
cover for illegal snooping and a violation of citizens’ privacy, the
Obama administration has not even attempted to develop a proposal for
spotting and stopping vast industrial espionage. It fears a negative
reaction from privacy-rights and Internet-freedom advocates who do not
want the government scanning Internet traffic. Others in the
administration fear further damaging relations with China. Some
officials also fear that standing up to China might trigger disruptive
attacks on America’s vulnerable computer-controlled infrastructure.
But by failing to act, Washington is effectively fulfilling China’s
research requirements while helping to put Americans out of work. Mr.
Obama must confront the cyberthreat, and he does not even need any new
authority from Congress to do so.
Under Customs authority, the Department of Homeland Security
could inspect what enters and exits the United States in cyberspace.
Customs already looks online for child pornography crossing our virtual
borders. And under the Intelligence Act, the president could issue a
finding that would authorize agencies to scan Internet traffic outside
the United States and seize sensitive files stolen from within our
borders.
And this does not have to endanger citizens’ privacy rights. Indeed, Mr.
Obama could build in protections like appointing an empowered privacy
advocate who could stop abuses or any activity that went beyond halting
the theft of important files.
If Congress will not act to protect America’s companies from Chinese cyberthreats, President Obama must.
Source: http://www.nytimes.com/
Comments:
Nowadays if a country wanted to colonize another, it can be done without taking weapons and going war with that particular country. The types of new colonization can be done with culture and economic domination with superior state of art technology. Cyber war is becoming a new type of war to colonies by defeating or dismantling an enemy nation. The current China led cyber attacks had prove this notion strongly.
Comments:
Nowadays if a country wanted to colonize another, it can be done without taking weapons and going war with that particular country. The types of new colonization can be done with culture and economic domination with superior state of art technology. Cyber war is becoming a new type of war to colonies by defeating or dismantling an enemy nation. The current China led cyber attacks had prove this notion strongly.
Comments